This book tells the story of those Americans, from all walks of life, from all parties and from all around the country, who opposed American participation in the Great War. They were internationalists and idealists, but not isolationists. Once war was declared, the government unleashed all of its power to silence and punish them. The winning of the war led to the losing of the peace. Our participation changed our role in the world. By making the world safe for democracy we created a military-industrial complex and an FBI-supervised surveillance state.
When war began, Wilson declared our neutrality but the administration could not stop American business from trading with Europe, and because of the Royal Navy's blockade, that meant trading with the Allies. J.P. Morgan became Great Britain's purchasing agent. After America concluded that war was good for business, the question became whether we should arm ourselves. In opposition stood the Women's Peace Party, a powerful, well-organized entity consisting primarily of the women who were the backbone of the suffragette movement. After the sinking of the Lusitania in May 1915, those clamoring for preparations, if not an immediate declaration, began the drumroll. Former President Roosevelt called Wilson "a coward and a weakling" who catered to "all the hyphenated Americans." Although there were east coast Democrats and Republicans anxious to arm, the majority of the country was opposed and they prevailed into 1916. Wilson ran for re-election as a foe of intervention. The following January, he offered the world his idealistic vision to end the war with his 'Peace Without Victory' speech. The German response was to announce the re-inititiation of unrestricted submarine warfare. In March, three American merchantmen were sunk by submarines and on April 6, 1917, the US declared war on Germany.
The administration initiated a significant propaganda effort "to drive home the absolute justice of America's cause, the absolute selflessness of America's aims" and passed the Espionage and Sedition Acts. Nonetheless, and more so than with any of America's other contentious wars (Mexican, Vietnam, Iraq), the peace movement endured through the early hullabaloo. On Flag Day, Wilson "all but equated opposition to the war with treason." But opposition was staunch and "a higher percentage of men successfully resisted conscription than during the Vietnam War." By 1918, the peace movement was on it's knees thanks to the Sedition Act. Eugene Debs, the four-time Socialist nominee for president was sentenced to ten years in jail for saying "the working class had never yet had a voice in declaring war" but were taught it was their duty "to have (themselves) slaughtered." America tipped the balance on the battlefield and Armistice came on Nov. 11, 1918.
Two decades after the war, a Gallup poll found that 70% of Americans considered it a mistake for us to have participated in the Great War. The author clearly agrees that the US intervention was a mistake on every level. He surmises that the bloodshed would have led to a stalemate. There would have been no punitive peace, no reparations, no stab-in-the back theories, no Hitler and no fifty million deaths in the next war. That is a heady conclusion to come to. But, it is almost inescapable. I have seen WW1 referred to as the catastrophe that begat all of the great catastrophes of the century. The war's conclusion which we midwifed was followed by a peace process where our President ineptly argued for his idealistic vision and the realpolitik's of George and Clemencau disastrously triumphed.
This book is not an easy read, but it is truly enlightening. The depth, breadth and heartfelt sincerity and commitment to peace that so many people felt is truly impressive. I personally prefer an America that is not so comfortable projecting it's power.
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